Two House Chronicles
Babylon, the Mother of Harlots
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Babylon, the Mother of Harlots
by Hope, Marsue and Jerry Huerta
In analyzing the Revelation through the historicist’s lens in the previous chapter we saw that it was the twelve-hundred and sixty-year-old papacy that received the wounding of its head in fulfillment of Revelation 13:3. The conclusion was also reached that the metaphor of the woman in Revelation 12 and 17 represent the same entity. In support, the church is anthropomorphized corporately as a virtuous woman in 2 Corinthians 11:2, Matthew 25:1-4 and Revelation 14:4, in a similar way discovered in the OT wife before she apostatized herself (Isaiah 62:5; Jeremiah 14:17; 31:4, 13). Further, the woman Babylon is prophesied to fall in Revelation 12 and 14, which is also conveyed concerning the corporate church in the last days in such NT texts as Matthew 24:12, 2 Thessalonians 2:2-3 and 1 Timothy 4:1-3. The woman in Revelation 12 is initially observed in heaven but afterwards falls to the earth in flight, enveloped by the wilderness of the earth to escape persecution from the dragon—which some historicists have rendered as
In the corporate abstract, from whence did Babylon fall? Ancient Babylon never attained moral rectitude; the city’s origin was pagan. This perception is also applicable to Jezebel in the OT. In juxtaposition, the OT expressed a fall from moral rectitude in Israel’s marriage metaphor (Isaiah 50:1; Jeremiah 3:1, 8; Ezekiel 16:15); in the corporate abstract, a great falling away was prophesied by the song of Moses in Deuteronomy 31-32. The fall of the woman in Revelation 12 is analogous to the OT motif of “the unfaithful, divorced wife returned to her first husband” (Hosea 2; Isaiah 50:1; 54:4; Jeremiah 3:12-14)—conflated with chastisement and the trial by fire or adversity in Malachi and Paul’s epistles (Malachi 3:1-5; 1 Corinthians 3:9-15).
It was broached in chapter four of this work that John was taken by the Spirit into the future to witness the harlot women in Revelation 17 entering the final judgment, and from this perspective, the sixth king of verse 10 “is”. From this future perspective,The woman in Revelation 17 represents apostate Protestantism during the prophetic era depicted by the last church, the final era of Laodicea (Revelation 3:14-22). The woman is depicted as highly attached to her affluence and to her corrupt merchants during this era, which is easily seen as the Protestant’s far-reaching corrupt influence on capitalism in the nineteenth through twenty-first centuries. The fallen commerce associated with the church/woman falls right into place with the exploitation of the poor to enrich the merchants at the height of the Industrial Revolution, foreseen also by James.
Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries that shall come upon you. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are motheaten. Your gold and silver is cankered; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasure together for the last days. Behold, the hire of the labourers who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth: and the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of sabaoth. Ye have lived in pleasure on the earth, and been wanton; ye have nourished your hearts, as in a day of slaughter. Ye have condemned and killed the just; and he doth not resist you. (James 5:1-6)
Apostate Protestantism is fulfilling the prophecy of the woman riding the scarlet beast in Revelation 17 and when it elects to reestablish religion again with the aid of the state it will have inaugurated the image, that is, when looking through the historicist’s lens.
Revelation 17:10-11 expresses that the eighth king ruled prior to the sixth king and not that the sixth king's power was interrupted, as earlier historicists had resolved. The traditional historicists attempted to maintain the misapprehension that Rome "was and is not" and who received a wound inflicted by Christ, not to be healed again until the papacy interacts with an international empire.
“That is the same Beast already described in earlier chapters. That Beast ‘was’ before Calvary. It ‘is not,’ ever since it was 'slain' through Christ's resurrection. ‘And yet [it] is,’ even thereafter. For its deadly wound was inflicted by Christ's death and resurrection (and further by Constantine's resultant accession). Yet later, it was to be healed (particularly by the Papacy) so that it would even thereafter continue to live on. Explained the Angel to John: ‘The seven Heads are seven Mountains, on which the Woman keeps on sitting. And there are seven Kings [or Kingdoms]. Five are fallen; and one is; and the other has not yet come. And when he [or it] comes, he [or it] must remain for a short age’ meaning: keep on ruling for a time.”5
It was Christ, not Rome, that suffered a deadly wound by his crucifixion (Genesis 3:15; Psalms 2; 22; Isaiah 49:7; 52:14; 53:1-3; Zechariah 11:8). The traditional view pales in comparison with a progressive historicist’s view that the wounding of the head in Revelation 13:3 occurred with the rise of America and disestablishment. The traditional historicists’ determination that the sixth king was Rome cannot be taken seriously in light of progressive revelation. John picked-up where Daniel left-off to unveil two more kingdoms that persecute God's people, bringing the number of these kingdoms to seven, the complete, full number of the kingdoms that persecute the covenant people of God in Revelation 17:10-11.
The previous chapter postulated that modern capitalism is a secular phenomenon, mothered by Puritan dissidents. The early twentieth century sociologist Max Weber posited that the “spirit of capitalism” was the Protestant work ethic and their ascetic habits, but his thesis has not withstood the critics that point out that these mindsets existed previously in medieval monasteries and throughout the Italian Renaissance. Even so, critics have not been able to adequately explain why, “business leaders and owners of capital, as well as the higher grades of skilled labor, and even more the higher technically and commercially trained personnel of modern enterprises,”6 were overwhelmingly Protestant at the time Weber wrote his thesis. Weber’s “spirit” concerns a mindset that embodied modern capitalism, which cannot be separated from disestablishment with a modicum of scrutiny.
“Weber’s first task was to define the spirit of capitalism. The first thing I want you to notice is the word spirit. Weber is concerned with showing that a particular cultural milieu or mindset is required for rational capitalism to develop. This culture or mindset is morally infused: the spirit of capitalism exists as ‘an ethically-oriented maxim for the organization of life’ (Weber, 1904–1905/2002, p. 16). This culture, then, has a sense of duty about it, and its individual components are seen as virtues.”7
Professor of early American literature at Santa Clara University, Michelle Burnham, wrote about the “modern notion of selfhood” that emerged in colonial New England that is coterminous with disestablishment and the modern capitalistic mindset.8 This “modern notion of selfhood” is conveyed as, “one's outward behavior was not necessarily tied to the state of one’s soul,” in an article on Anne Hutchinson in Wikipedia.9 Burnham merely uses the expressions of “invisible self” in place of “one’s soul” and “visible self” in place of “one’s outward behavior.” In Burnham’s book, Folded Selves, the “modern notion of selfhood” represented the mindset of the dissident Puritan merchants, as far as their profession could not be separated from their mindset. She maintains that the dissident Puritan attitudes typified the modern-day perception of the individual in relation to society and traces it back to their doctrine of Free Grace.10
“Hutchinson and her followers challenged dominant social, economic, and spiritual authority in New England by invalidating the significance of visible evidence, undercutting the covenant of works preached by authorized Puritan ministers as well as the organic social and economic models subscribed to by the ruling authorities in Massachusetts. By locating authority instead in an internal and invisible self, and by insisting and demonstrating that this self could be inconsistent with and misrepresented by the visible self (as would some of those accused of witchcraft in Salem several decades later), Anne Hutchinson performed in her trials a very early and extremely modern notion of selfhood—one crucially linked with the relations of mercantile capitalism and one that provoked panic among the orthodoxy perhaps especially because they were, in fact, ‘infected’ with precisely the ‘disease’ whose symptoms they so urgently projected onto Hutchinson. As Stephen Innes and others have observed, the attitudes and practices of seventeenth-century New Englanders reflected a profound ambivalence toward emergent capitalist relations. Indeed, economic practice in Puritan New England tended to disable the social order whose stable hierarchy it was meant to support, thus producing the very things many orthodox Puritans most feared (Creating 101). The hostility aimed at the Hutchinsonians by dominant magistrates and ministers was thus a function at least as much of the likenesses—including economic similarities—between the two groups as it was of the differences between them.… The orthodoxy’s exile of Hutchinson aimed to banish the ‘monstrous’ possibilities set loose by the world of trade and commerce in which colonialism necessarily situated them, even while repeating the gesture of venting, which they otherwise sought to curtail.”11
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The modern notion of individual rights is easily seen as elemental to Burnham’s perception of modern selfhood. This chapter will substantiate that the “spirit” of Max Weber’s capitalism is the same thing as Burnham’s selfhood, when regarded through the scope of the dissident Puritanical zeitgeist. Incontrovertibly, the Puritans established some of the first secular communities by disestablishing religion. The “monstrous” possibilities, according to Burnham, concerned economic practices that were denounced by the church-state, colonial authorities. This is also suggested in Bernard Bailyn’s book on the merchants of colonial New England. Bailyn introduces his comments on the dangers of untrammeled traffic with the precapitalistic Puritan communitarian principles that had been suppressing the “monstrous” possibilities in Burnham’s book, prior to that time.
“Despite such differences all of the first generation Puritan merchants agreed that religious considerations were highly relevant to the conduct of trade, that commerce, being one of the many forms of human intercourse, required control by moral laws. But some of the newly arrived merchants, as they assumed power over the exchange of goods, felt the restrictive effect of these ideas when acted upon by a determined ministry and magistracy. In their confused reaction to ethical control as well as in the progress of their business enterprises lay seeds of social change.…
“Of all private occupations trade was morally the most dangerous. The soul of the merchant was constantly exposed to sin by virtue of his control of goods necessary to other people. Since proof of the diligence he applied in his calling was in the profits he made from precisely such exchanges, could a line be drawn between industry and avarice? The Puritans answered, as had Catholics for half a millennium, that it could, and they designated this line the ‘just price’.…
“Equally treacherous to the soul of the businessman and the good of the public was the fact that the merchants came into control of the available supply of money and charged interest on debts. One who controlled supplies of cash or credit held a knife over a vital vein in the social body.”14
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Reformed theologian, Mark A. Noll, acknowledges that disestablishment was beneficial as well as injurious. (The knowledge of good and evil was set in Genesis 3:22).
“This combination of revivalism and disestablishment had effects whose importance cannot be exaggerated. Analyzed positively, the combination gave the American churches a new dynamism, a new effectiveness in fulfilling the Great Commission, and a new vitality in bringing the gospel to the people. Analyzed negatively, the combination of revivalism and disestablishment meant that pragmatic concerns would prevail over principle.”17
The list of benefits to individualists is as long as the list of reproaches by tyranny in the forms of exploitation of the poor and class stratification; the latter is what Burnham is driving at in her expression “monstrous possibilities.” Noll addresses these monstrous possibilities as untrammeled or “liberal economic practices.”
“By ‘liberal’ in the context of the nineteenth century, historians mean the tradition of individualism and the market freedom associated with John Locke and especially Adam Smith.… The point again is not whether evangelicals should have embraced liberal economic practice, for a case can be made for the compatibility between evangelical Christianity and moderate forms of market economy. The point is rather how evangelical embraced liberal economic practice. Again this was done without a great deal of thought.… The most important economic questions of the day dealt with the early growth of industrialization. How would the growth of large industries, first in textiles and then in railroads, affect community life or provisions for the disabled, aged, and infirm? Each of these questions, and many more like them, posed a potential threat to Christian witness and to public morality. Each of them was also the sort that could be answered only by those who had thought through principles of Scripture, who had struggled to see how the truths of creation, fall, and redemption applied to groups as well as to individuals. Unfortunately, there was very little of such thinking. These problems developed pretty much under their own steam and received little specific attention from Christians wrestling with the foundations of economic thought and practice.”18
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Returning to the relevance of goddess worship, the lascivious Babylonian goddess Ishtar (Inanna was her Sumerian counterpart) was depicted riding a beast in myth, along with other parallels that have moved many scholars to support her relevance in determining the woman of Revelation 17. One such scholar is the director of Biblical studies at the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College, Tikva Frymer-Kensky, in her book: In wake of Goddess. Frymer-Kensky’s research revealed other parallels, one of which Hobsbawm accidentally stumbled upon in his account of the demotion of Puritan wife at disestablishment. Frymer-Kensky affirms that, “the relationship between the gods,” was, “both mirror of and model for human social relationships.”21
“The eclipse of the goddesses was undoubtedly part of the same process that witnessed a decline in the public role of women, with both reflective of fundamental changes in society that we cannot yet specify. The existence and power of a goddess, particularly of Ishtar, is no indication or guarantee of a high status for human women. In Assyria, where Ishtar was so prominent, women were not.… The world by the end of the second millennium was a male's world, above and below; and the ancient goddesses have all but disappeared.”22
“The question must be asked whether this relationship of God to Israel is intended to serve as the paradigm for Israelite marriage. After all, in polytheism, the relationship between the gods is both mirror of and model for human social relationships. Can this be true in the Bible? Does the metaphor itself give men the right to be jealous of their wives, and to punish them when they do not live up to their husbands' expectations.… Marriage in Israel was certainly not ‘egalitarian’ in the modern sense of the world. At the same time, it was not the hierarchy of master and servant, but a bond between loving intimates. As such it was an exact paradigm of the biblical conception of the proper relationship of people and God.”23
Yet, Frymer-Kensky also found that in exile the Israelites were overwhelmed by heathen autocratic, patriarchal pressure. While in exile, Israel’s conquers wreaked havoc with their family values, just as disestablishment and secularism did with the Puritan household according to Hobsbawm. Finding a vacuum of “gender talk” in Torah, Frymer-Kensky held that this vacuum was filled by the “patriarchal autocracy” of their conquerors.
“After the exile, as Israel encountered other cultural traditions, the vacuum became more noticeable; it was ultimately filled by the introduction of Hellenistic misogyny and sexual phobia into the biblical tradition. The influence of these ideas on the newly emerging Christianity was very powerful.… promotion of the patriarchal household and the power of the paterfamilias … became more patriarchal; as it became Roman, the process intensified. Emerging Christianity incorporated these misogynistic and antierotic themes and made them central to its ideas about human existence.”24
Is it an accident that Hobsbawm’s meretricious account of the demotion of the Puritan or Protestant wife, due to financial success—following disestablishment and secularization—mirrors the prophet’s motif of the “unfaithful, divorced wife returned to her first husband” (Hosea 2; Isaiah 50:1; 54:4; Jeremiah 3:12-14)? The woman in Revelation 17 represents corporate apostasy—the Great falling away prophesied in 2 Thessalonians 2:3 and 2 Timothy 3:4 (Luke 8:11-13; 1 Timothy 4:1-4; Hebrews 3:12-14). Through anthropomorphism, Hosea 2 and Ezekiel 16 prophesied of Israel’s initial chastity and subsequent fall from fidelity, her condemnation and punishment for corporate harlotry, and that there would yet, ultimately be redemption for a contrite remnant (Deuteronomy 30:1-10).25 This is easily seen in the narrative of the Revelation; viz., the woman is witnessed in heaven, representing her chastity, falls to the wilderness, representing her fall in leaving her first love (Revelation 2:5-6), and is seen later in “leisure and luxury,” after having fornicated with the kings and during the supremacy of the sixth king. In the final illustration, the woman is refined by persecution and “trial by fire” (vv. 16-17), in fulfillment of Malachi 3:1-5 and 1 Corinthians 3:9-15, fire being a metaphor for a trial, ordeal or judgment (Psalms 66:12; Isaiah 43:2; 1 Peter 1:7; 4:12, 17). In similitude, the Babylonian goddesses Ishtar abides in heaven and her fornication engenders a lurid fall into hell and death, ending with her resurrection and restoration to heaven. Both employ the “mortification will only be temporary” motif, which corresponds with the “unfaithful, divorced wife returned to her first husband” in scripture (Isaiah 54:4-8).
Inanna/Ishtar was ultimately used to promote the societal acceptance that prosperity could be obtained through religion, empire, raising the status of the merchants and facilitating war; her symbolism conveyed the sophistication of an ideology. This is substantiated in Daniel Timmer’s book: Cultural Imperialism and American Protestant Missionaries: Collaboration and Dependency in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China. Trimmer held that there was a symbiosis of “religion, warfare and economic activity” in the goddess myth that mirrored the society of the Assyrian empire.
“The threat in 3:4-7 describes Nineveh in terms of prostitution and sorcery. Given Assyria’s strong interest in various deities and mode of divination, the emphasis on sorcery is understandable. The parallel characterization of a harlot draws in part on Nineveh’s attractiveness (טֹ֥ובַת חֵ֖ן ‘charming’), and both comparisons probably reflect the symbiosis of Assyrian religion, warfare, and economic activity.”26
The “economic activity” is easily seen as the “multiplication of the merchants” of the harlot in Nahum, representing the Assyrian Empire.
Because of the multitude of the whoredoms of the wellfavoured harlot, the mistress of witchcrafts, that selleth nations through her whoredoms, and families through her witchcrafts. Behold, I am against thee, saith the LORD of hosts; and I will discover thy skirts upon thy face, and I will shew the nations thy nakedness, and the kingdoms thy shame.… Thou hast multiplied thy merchants above the stars of heaven: the cankerworm spoileth, and fleeth away. Thy crowned are as the locusts, and thy captains as the great grasshoppers, which camp in the hedges in the cold day, but when the sun ariseth they flee away, and their place is not known where they are. (Nahum3:4-5, 16-17)
Professor at the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Botswana, Laurel Lanner, also ties merchants with the goddess of the Assyrian empire through the book of Nahum.
“I see no reason why a motif—in this case ‘locusts’—cannot be used in different metaphors and similes successively. In fact, given the identification of the locusts as the officials, merchants and scribes of the imperial power in 3:16 and 17, 15bA offers a neat reversal of situations; ‘as you the Assyrians scythed us with your oppressive regime, so we shall return the favor.’”27
Lanner also researched Inanna/Ishtar as the goddess referred to in Nahum 3:4, “that selleth nations through her whoredoms,” which symbolized Neo-Assyrian’s promotion that prosperity could be obtained through religion, empire, raising the status of the merchants and facilitating war.
“Eaton considers that בַּעֲלַ֣ת כְּשָׁפִ֑ים is a reference to Ishtar, ‘who was represented in Mesopotamia as a harlot, beautiful and gracious, but sometimes destructive.’ Watts notes that Ishtar, the goddess of sex and war, was savage, destructive and seductive; ‘With lustful visions of riches and power Ishtar had beguiled nations into the war of conquest.’ Van der Woude also has little doubt that the harlot imagery of 3:1-1 refers to Ishtar. This passage is religious as well as political.”28
In relation to the symbol of Ishtar, there has been no dearth in information in recent times exposing Protestantism’s part in Anglo-American imperialism, even after disestablishment—broadening the parallelism. The disestablishment of the church only demoted the women-church; this is illustrated by the woman riding the beast, which mirrors disestablishment, as disestablishment did not end the church-woman’s usefulness to Anglo-American imperialism according to many historians. Professor of sociology at Georgetown University, José Casanova, is one who maintains that evangelism increased with disestablishment.
“The first disestablishment, the constitutional one, constructed the still disputed ‘wall of separation’ between Protestant churches and the American state. This disestablishment brought about the separation of the state from ecclesiastical institutions and the dissociation of the political community of citizens from any religious community. But the secularization of the state did not bring in its wake either the decline or the privatization of religion. On the contrary, as is widely recognized today, the constitutional protection of the free exercise of religion created the structural framework for the emergence and the unprecedented expansion of what Martin Marty has called ‘the crazy quilt of Protestant denominationalism.’ At the time when continental European Christianity was mostly retreating, unable to withstand the waves of industrial, political, and cultural revolution, American Christianity was ‘awash in a sea of faith.’ Evangelical revivalism became the organizational principle and the common denominator of all the religious groups competing in the Protestant denominational religious system. By the 1830s, evangelical Protestantism had become established de facto as the American civil religion, that is, as the public religion of American civil society. The homogenization of the main Protestant denominations made possible the launching of transdenominational evangelical crusade to ‘Christianize’ the people, the social order, and the republic.”29
The Protestants usefulness in Anglo-American imperialism is what is illustrated in Revelation 3:17 and 17-18 and also parallels the four horsemen of the seven seals. Professor of World Christianity and History of Mission, and Director of the Center for Global Christianity and Mission, Dana L. Robert, has researched the contemporary and highly controversial issue of Protestant missionary imperialism. She maintains that, “since the 1960s, public opinion has been severely divided over the meaning of missionary visions,” and that, “flaws emerged,” in the paradigm of missionary involvement in that it did not account for, “missionary efforts to ‘convert’ it.”30 (The pronoun “it” refers to imperialism.) Even so, two other professors, Lalsangkima Pachuau (the John Wesley Beeson Professor of Christian Mission and Dean of Advanced Research Programs) and Max Lynn Stackhouse (the Rimmer and Ruth de Vries Professor of Reformed Theology and Public Life Emeritus at Princeton Theological Seminary), account for “missionary resistance” to imperialism and concluded that “modernization” or imperialism still succeeded up to World War I and was facilitated by a good number of missionaries for sundry reasons.
“Christian missions were both allies and critics of colonialism. It was widely recognized that the missionary movement often spread with the extension of colonialism in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The military, administrative, and business leaders who dominated the colonized regions of the world were sometimes admired and imitated but often also deeply resented—especially by the indigenous elites who found themselves socially displaced, and also by masses of people who found it difficult to adapt to ‘foreign’ influences. The wrenching experience of ‘modernization’ was not easy and many treasured practices, skills, aspects of life-style, and conventions were made obsolete. While it is true, as already suggested, that many missionaries resisted the exploitation of indigenous peoples at the hands of colonialists or imperial administrators, and tried both to protect the people to whom they ministered and prepare them for some inevitable changes, their efforts were often seen as simply another part of the paternalistic problem. And, some missionaries were clearly supportive of colonial establishment, since it was believed to bring ‘Christian civilization’ to the world.”31
It is clearly viable that John, knowing Nahum’s use of Ishtar, “marveled,” in part, due to this parallelism. The final analysis cannot be avoided, the Protestant’s part in Anglo-American imperialism is supported, even after disestablishment, establishing the parallelism between the harlot in Revelation 17 and the goddess Ishtar. The parallelism between Ishtar and apostate Protestantism accentuates imperial Protestant’s marketing of prosperity through religion, empire, the raising of the status of the merchants, and ultimately, the facilitation of war.
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Try as the as they may, Max Weber’s critics cannot surmount the principle that the spirit of capitalism lies in Protestantism; Protestantism ended establishment and secularized society. Success in disestablishment raised the status of “the merchants of the earth” recounted in Revelation 18, which naturally accompanied the first attempt of globalism and such seldom previously achieved amass exploitation of the poor. Even unbelievers, such as the historian Niall Ferguson, confirm the massive exploitation at the first Anglo attempt of globalism.
“Globalization … is not a new phenomenon.… Over a century ago, enterprising businessmen in Europe and North America could see that there were enticing opportunities throughout Asia.… Capital was abundantly available and, as we shall see, British investors were more than ready to risk their money in remote countries.… the promise of Victorian globalization went largely unfulfilled in most of Asia, leaving a legacy of bitterness towards what is still remembered to this day as colonial exploitation.… Moreover, the last globalization had anything but a happy ending. On the contrary, less than a hundred years ago, in the summer of 1914, it ended not with a whimper, but with a deafening bang, as the principal beneficiaries of the globalized economy embarked on the most destructive war the world had ever witnessed.… If a foreign trading partner decided to default on its debts, there was little that an investor situated on the other side of the world could do. In the first era of globalization, the solution to this problem was brutally simple but effective: to impose European rule.… This vulnerability of early globalization to wars and revolutions was not peculiar to China. It turned out to be true of the entire world financial system.… The origins of the First World War became clearly visible—as soon as it had broken out.”34
Furthermore, Ferguson also confirms that American imperialism is alive and well in the continuation of our present and final attempt at globalism through America’s International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
“Yet the days had gone when investors could confidently expect their governments to send a gunboat when a foreign government misbehaved. Now the role of financial policing had to be played by two unarmed bankers, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Their new watchword became 'conditionality': no reforms, no money. Their preferred mechanism was the structural adjustment programme. And the policies the debtor countries had to adopt became known as the Washington Consensus, a wish-list of ten economic policies that would have gladdened the heart of a British imperial administrator a hundred years before.… To some critics, however, the World Bank and the IMF were no better than agents of the same old Yankee imperialism. Any loans from the IMF or World Bank, it was claimed, would simply be used to buy American goods from American firms—often arms to keep ruthless dictators or corrupt oligarchies in power. The costs of ‘structural adjustment’ would be borne by their hapless subjects. And Third World leaders who stepped out of line would soon find themselves in trouble.”35
Financial journalist, Nicola Walton, concurs in her book: How to Report Economic News.
“Like the IMF, the World Bank is said by its critics to be an agent of Western and in particular US imperialism, imposing faulty development policies on poor third world countries. The World Bank then becomes part of the set of international institutions designed to keep people of the third world in poverty.”36
Again, the raising of the status of the merchants at the end of medievalism and the first attempt at globalism cannot be examined in entirety without considering the influence of apostate Protestantism upon the times nor the parallelism with the harlot in Revelation 17. It is the evidence that determines that the first horsemen in the seven seals represent Protestantism’s missionary imperialism.
The traditional historicist’s perception that the harlot of Revelation 17 must be interpreted as the corrupt Church is not contested; what is contested is that the harlot of Revelation 17 cannot be the papacy, as the papacy represents Jezebel during the era of the church of Thyatira (Revelation 2:18-24). Those who were not seduced by Jezebel represented the chaste woman of chapter 12, the church, sheltered in the wilderness for twelve-hundred and sixty years. Jezebel was ordained to persecute the church as the sea-beast of Revelation 13 and the scarlet colored beast in Revelation 17. As John was taken to the wilderness in Revelation 17 he marvels at witnessing the same woman, now in leisure and luxury, which represents the corrupt Church in the final days. This is supported in NT texts such as Matthew 24:12, 2 Thessalonians 2:3, 2 and 1 Timothy 4:1-3.
Now we beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and by our gathering together unto him, That ye be not soon shaken in mind, or be troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter as from us, as that the day of Christ is at hand. Let no man deceive you by any means: for that day shall not come, except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition. (2 Thessalonians 2:1-3)
It is the woman in Revelation 12 that daughters the Protestants as only the mother and daughters can fall from moral rectitude, which is the judgment of the “great whore that sits on many waters.” Protestantism sits on many waters, when the waters are defined as peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues in Revelation 17:15 by way of its mercenary imperialism.
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1. William J. Reid, “It is supposed that the church of Rome is described in the epistle to the church of Thyatira, under the name of that woman, ‘Jezebel.’ And it must be confessed, even by those who reject this theory, that the similarity is wonderful.” Lectures on the Revelation, (Stevenson, Foster & Co., No. 48 Fifth Avenue 1878), 87.
2. Dr. Francis Nigel Lee, John's Revelation Unveiled (Ligstryders 1999), 211.
3. Meaning, few that profess actually worship in spirit and truth (John 4:23-24).
4. (Acts 2:17; 2 Timothy 3:1; Hebrews 1:2; Jas 5:3; 2 Peter 3:3) Preterist hold the “last days” commenced with the first advent. What they fail to grasp is Prophetic Telescoping. To the prophets the two advents appeared in immediate sequence, like looking down a mountain range and viewing peaks than appear adjacent but instead are a great distance apart. Even so, PT conveys that both advents inaugurate new beginnings at the end of the previous age or dispensation. The end of the Mosaic age ended in reformation and salvation for a remnant, which will be repeated at the inauguration of the Messianic Kingdom. The reformation is a trial or hardship that inaugurating this age or dispensation will be repeated at its end. The Baptism of fire at the first advent was also see on the last mountain peak, which is not grasped by Preterism. It helps to explains their misapprehension about temporal indicators.
5. Lee, John's Revelation Unveiled, (Ligstryders 1999), 215.
6. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Merchant Books; abridged edition, October 12, 2013), 1.
7. Kenneth Allan, Explorations in Classical Sociological Theory (SAGE Publications, Inc; 3 edition, April 30, 2012), 188.
8. Michelle Burnham, Folded Selves: Colonial New England Writing in the World System (Published by University Press of New England, 2007) Kindle location 2511
9. Wikipedia, “Her ideas that one's outward behaviour was not necessarily tied to the state of one's soul became attractive to those who might have been more attached to their professions than to their religious state, such as merchants and craftsmen.” s.v. Anne Hutchinson, modified July 2018, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anne_Hutchinson
10. “By the multitude of thy merchandise they have filled the midst of thee with violence, and thou hast sinned.… By thy great wisdom and by thy traffick hast thou increased thy riches, and thine heart is lifted up because of thy riches” (Ezekiel 28:16, 18)
11. Burnham, Folded Selves: Colonial New England Writing in the World System, Kindle Location 2506-2511.
14. Bernard Bailyn, The New England Merchants In The Seventeenth Century (Porter Press, April 16, 2013) Kindle location 329-428
17. Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind, 66
18. Ibid., 75-76
21. Tikva Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of Goddess: Women, Culture and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth, (Ballantine Books, 1993), 147.
22. Ibid., 80.
23. Ibid., 147-148.
24. Ibid., 213-214.
25. Ibid., “The Torah's use of this imagery may have been influenced by the prophetic development of the marital metaphor. It may also be the source of it.… This bond of love and commitment between marital partners provides the positive note in a marriage that might otherwise be called disastrous. The marriage is not a ‘happily ever after’ affair. The wife of Hosea/God is a wanton, and does not give God the steadfast exclusive loyalty that is expected of her. God-as-husband is not forbearing. He is angry, and punishes. Nevertheless, the marriage does not end, for the marital metaphor emphasizes the commitment of God to Israel. The repudiation will only be temporary, and God will come again to woo his bride, and re-espouse her. After the disaster comes the reconciliation; after the destruction, the renewal; after the violence, the lovemaking.” 151.
26. Daniel Timmer, The Non-Israelite Nations in the Book of the Twelve: Thematic Coherence and the Diachronic-Synchronic Relationship in the Minor Prophets (Brill, 2015), 130-31.
27. Laurel Lanner, Who Will Lament Her?: The Feminine and the Fantastic in the Book of Nahum (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 2006), 159.
28. Ibid., 146.
29. José Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World, (University of Chicago Press; 1 edition, 2011), 135-136.
30. Dana L. Robert, Converting Colonialism: Visions and Realities in Mission History, 1706-1914, (Eerdmans, 2008), 1-4.
31. Lalsangkima Pachuau, Max L. Stackhouse, News of Boundless Riches, (ISPCK, 2007), xiii.
34. Niall Ferguson, The Ascent of Money, (Penguin Books; 1 edition, 2009), 287-305.
35. Ibid., 309-310.
36. Nicola Walton, How to Report Economic News, (Routledge; 1 edition, 2017), 182.